The Insurgency Still Tearing Apart the Philippines

The Philippines is a fractured state; the Earth’s tectonic activity has seen to that, but amongst the myriad of islands lie the roots of an internal conflict that has torn apart the nation. This conflict is one of the oldest, ongoing military struggles in the world today, having started in 1942 during the confusion of World War II. However, the conflict has faded in the global conscience and the focus of Filipino discourse has shifted towards its economic development . Before the world gets swept up by economic progress I wanted to explore the conflict further and ask whether its will hold the Philippines back in the future.

This is not a civil war, but rather a guerrilla conflict in which insurgents are trying to wear down the central government and damage Filipino society. To an extent they have succeeded in these aims. At present, the death toll from the Philippines’ insurgencies is believed to be in excess of 160,000 people. In comparison the death toll of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (one that has received vastly more media attention) is estimated to be approximately 20,000.

The thing that makes the Filipino situation unique is that it is not a single conflict, but instead is multi-faceted with several different players all vying for their respective political demands. This conflict has become ingrained within Filipino society and despite dramatic changes occurring in the nation, the conflict continues to rage on.

The problems started during the 1940’s when peasant militias, known as the Hukbalahap, rebelled against the rule of the Japanese occupiers and then subsequently the Philippines government. This peasant rebellion evolved over time and due to its connections to the Soviet Union, who funded their activities against the Japanese, it became a communist insurgency. In the context of the Cold War this insurgency gained momentum and by the 1960’s it had evolved once again, becoming the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army (the party’s military wing). It was also during this period that it adopted Maoist ideology.

The 1960’s and 70’s were the height of the Cold War, when the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Vietnam War threatened to push the world closer to global conflict, and within this environment the communist insurgency in the Philippines grew stronger. Communist governments in China, Vietnam and the USSR all supported the Filipino insurgency and their desire to overthrow the capitalist structure of the Filipino government. It was only one in a series of communist conflicts in Asia, at the time, but the Philippines saw some of the fiercest fighting in the region. The reason for this was that the Philippines was a highly developed capitalist nation, a consequence of its time as both a Spanish and American colony, and during the 1960’s President Ferdinand Marcos established a regime in the nation that was portrayed worldwide as ostentatious, wasteful and corrupt. For the communists, President Marcos and his wife, Imelda Marcos, represented all of the negative attributes of capitalism and “indigenous people joined the New People’s Army (NPA) and the Cordillera People’s Alliance (CPA) in resisting the Marcos dictatorship and the operations of multinational companies” (Primed and Purposeful – Armed Groups and Human Security Efforts in the Philippines, Edt. Diana Rodriguez, Small Arms Survey, p.319).

Engulfing the nation, guerrilla fighting spread from the mountains of the Cordillera region, Luzon (where the rebel Cordillera People’s Army developed in the 1980’s) to the southern island of Mindanao. Although their fighting pushed the nation to the point of fracture their fortunes rose and fell with the fortunes of communist nations around the world. Over time the USSR collapsed, Vietnam was ripped apart by conflict and China moved away from supporting political conflicts to focusing on capital growth. With little international support the Filipino government stepped up its efforts to quash the insurgency. To an extent they succeeded; pushing the groups deep into the inaccessible mountains and islands of the nation.

But for people still living in the Cordillera region the communist insurgency is still a significant threat to daily life. Since the conflict began in the 1940’s the communist insurgency has claimed the lives of over 40,000 people (roughly 1/4 quarter of all deaths from Filipino insurgencies). In 2012 alone, Uppsala University estimated that over 180 people died from the communist insurgency. For the communities affected this is not a forgotten conflict, resigned to Cold War history, instead it is something very real.

“Children as young as twelve are forced to join the ‘New People’s Army’ and to fight for the communist cause” (Around the World: “The Communist War against the Philippines and Why it Rages On, Joshua Lipana, The Objective Standard, Vol 6. No. 1, Spring 2011). Farmers and local businessmen are often targeted for not supporting the communist cause and for participating in the capitalist system of the Philippines. Meanwhile politicians, policemen and military personnel are all subject to attacks by the communist rebels.

The experiences of the local people show that although they have been forced to the depths of the mountains and islands, from these positions they continue to wage a fierce war across the nation. In recent years the Philippines government has attempted to end the communist insurgency, but with peace talks falling apart the government is running out of options and appeasement is becoming the main method of dealing with the insurgents.

Some may question why the Filipino government doesn’t move in to end the insurgency. For me two factors hold the government back from military action. Firstly, through appeasement, the government can demonstrate its ability to move on from Cold War politics. Ending the communist insurgency through peaceful methods shows that the Philippines is no longer trapped by the past, but instead can look forward to future economic development. Secondly, the Philippines is subject to a greater internal conflict, an Islamic insurgency that has claimed more lives and come closer to achieving its political aims than its communist counterparts.

The Islamic insurgency is a product of the Philippines unique historic culture. This history has left it as the only Christian nation within a region dominated by Buddhist and Muslim nations and this mixture of religions has led to sectarian tensions within the Philippines. These tensions have long dominated Filipino politics and the current Islamic insurgency in Mindanao is the legacy of the rebellion by the Moro people, who inhabited the islands of the Southern Philippines. In the wake of the American takeover of the Philippines the Moro fought hard for the creation of an independent Islamic state.

Since the times of the Moro Rebellion the sectarian tensions have become more violent and radical in nature. The modern insurgency began in the 1960’s, under Marcos’s Presidency, following the killing of Muslim military trainees. The MNLF (Moro National Liberation Front) and then later the MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front) both launched guerrilla wars against the Philippine government using the island of Mindanao both as a base and centre for conflict.

These groups have sought the establishment of an independent Islamic state and by the 1990’s, despite attempts to negotiate for a peaceful resolution, the insurgents became even more radicalised by the establishment of Abu Sayyaf. This new organisation has its roots in the same ideology that created Al Qaeda and other extremist Islamic groups and with the introduction of this group to the conflict the insurgency was transformed. It was no longer solely an issue of national politics but had become part of a wider global ideological war that the more radical elements of the Islam are waging against the Western/Christian world.

Since the introduction of Abu Sayyaf the conflict has escalated further. President Estrada waged an all out war against the Islamic insurgents in 2000 and in 2001 the United States became involved in the conflict. Abu Sayyaf was branded as a terrorist organisation by the US government and fighting this group became a goal for the Americans in the global fight against Islamic terrorism. The insurgency has become every country’s worst nightmare. It is a guerrilla conflict in which nationalism, history and religious ideology has inspired political parties, religious groups and most importantly the communities themselves, to fight for their political aims. These tensions cause deep wounds in the region and Mindanao is an island truly scared by insurgency.

Estrada’s war against the insurgents did not achieve the aim of ending the insurgency and since the millennium terrorist attacks, attacks on the government and military and killings have become regular occurrences in the nation and in particular Mindanao. The conflict has deeply damaged the communities of Mindanao and “41 percent of the adult population in the surveyed areas [of Central Mindanao] indicated having experienced displacement” (Violent Conflicts and Displacement in Central Mindanao – Challenges for Recovery and Development, Patrick Vinck & Ed Bell, World Bank & World Food Programme, p. 7). Of these people many have been forced out because of violence caused by armed groups fighting for the future of the Philippines.

But will this insurgency really affect the development of the Philippines in the future?

For me the insurgency could easily hamper the progress and growth of the Philippines. Although the economy is little tested and in its infancy (it hasn’t yet risen to the same level of development as the Asian Tigers) the insurgency will be a constant barrier to achieving a higher level of development. Little to no development can occur in Mindanao or the Cordillera Region whilst the violence is ongoing and this has a knock-on effect throughout the entirety of the Philippines. International businesses may be reluctant to invest in the nation, fearing the negative impact of terrorist attacks by either the Islamic insurgents, for being representative of the West, or by the communist insurgents for being symbols of capitalism.

However the biggest problem is likely to come from the fact that insurgencies like this split the population. These conflicts leave wounds in the communities they affect. Tensions do not go away and political or religious divides become so protracted that the cycle of violence is difficult to overcome. Conflict does not always remain a barrier to development; for example in the UK some of the worst violence in Northern Ireland in the 1980’s occurred at a time in which the country was transformed economically and Filipino development could help left the poorest out of poverty, in turn lessening their desire for change through violence.

But where the conflict has dropped out of global conscience and infiltrated so much of Filipino society it may be the final barrier to achieving international development. Only time will tell if the government can resolve the issues of the greatly fractured state, but with the nation marching on towards economic prosperity some form of resolution to this decades old conflict is badly needed.

By Peter Banham

See Also:

Central Asia and the Islamic World: Is Culture Threatened By Rising Islamic Power

Islam in Russia: The Growing Caucasus Problem

A United Front: Africa’s Islamic Militants Begin to Cooperate

Are Mali’s Neighbours Really at Threat?

Ten Years On: Is Bali Still Threatened by Extremism?

Nigeria: Escalating Violence in One of Africa’s Leading Economies

Cover Photo: Karlos Manlupig / AP

North Korea: A Truly Hidden Kingdom

Many Asian states and cities have been known as ‘Forbidden Kingdoms’ or ‘Forbidden Cities’ and although not a forbidden country, North Korea, in the 21st century, is a truly hidden country. It is one that does allow access (however limited) to outside visitors, however these individuals rarely have a clear understanding of the country they have entered or the regime they see from afar.

This does not stop people drawing their own conclusions about the nation; seeing it as a rogue state steeped in communism, dictatorial politics and military fervor. These assumptions do ring true for this Far East state, which is controlled by a Communist based, family dynasty, whose power is vested in the military; however North Korea is more than simply the stereotypes generated by Western media. It is a nation with a complex politics, ancient history and vibrant culture; the problem that journalists, politicians and analysts face is the inability to gain verifiable news as the country exercises such close controls over censorship.

It is this censorship that truly defines North Korea; that makes the state a real Hidden Kingdom.

North Korea has been an enigma ever since Kim Il-Sung assumed the position of leader of the newly independent Communist country under the guide of the USSR. They had agreed, with the USA, to divide the country between the two powers to run in a post-WWII administration and Kim Il-Sung emerged as the leading figure in the new Soviet administration. When Kim Il-Sung was made leader, his communist principles were well established from the outset with sweeping land reforms creating an equal distribution of land and a policy that would be hard to integrate with the US influenced South when unification was proposed.

Within years the two regions had become politically opposed, with each side supporting different ideologies and supported by a different superpower. Both superpowers helped to build up the military power of their respective spheres of influence and it was this conflict over who should control a united Korea that led to the Korean War (1950-1953).

It was after the war that North Korea began the process towards isolation. It was a small Communist country in relation to its two, much larger, neighbours China and Russia, both leading communist countries that sought to exert influence over North Korea. However Kim managed to achieve relative political isolation from both countries. He disagreed with the USSR during the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev and sided with China in the Sino-Soviet split, but then went against the Chinese government of Mao Zedong during the Cultural Revolution in China, siding instead with the Soviets. By playing these two Communist nations off against each other Kim ensured that North Korea had allies in both camps without the exclusive influence of one deviating him from creating his own form of communism in the country, however the diplomatic consequence of this was that North Korea became estranged from both countries.

However it was only once this self-determined form of communism, known as Juche, became state ideology in 1972, that North Korea began to truly become a hidden kingdom. The ideology established the idea that North Korea should be self-reliant and nearly all foreign trade was stopped. China was less interested in trading with the country and with the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe and the USSR in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s the nation soon lost all its main partners. By his death in 1994 Kim Il-Sung had created a country completely isolated from the rest of the world

This isolation continued after his son, Kim Jong-il, took power and has not ceased even after his death and the assumption of Kim Jong-un as Premier. But it is not purely history that has created such an isolated and introverted state but the society that these leaders have created. North Korea is a country with no political reforms or freedom of the press meaning there are no real opportunities to check the power of the leader or to challenge publicly what the regime is doing. The population is told the information that the government want to reveal and often internationally observers are simply left to guess at what it is going on at the very height of power. It becomes increasingly difficult to work out the hierarchy in this country or determine who has influence over the Premier.

Under Kim Jong-un the international understanding of the Korean hierarchy has been truly tested with questions over how the leader will govern and who will be by his side as he leads the country through turbulent times in world politics.

For many observers it appears that he is ruling the country just as his father and grandfather before him did; through the military. This week Kim Jong-un was named as a Marshall, the highest rank in the North Korean army. This is a move that solidifies his position at the top of the military hierarchy, which has seen major shakeups recently with a senior military leader replaced. Ri Yong-ho was removed from his post as army chief and meanwhile Hyon Yong-chol was made Vice-Marshal. This shake up represents a North Korea that is changing without any real change taking place.

The political structure at the top is the same as it has been before despite changes to the faces leading the regime. The censorship and cult of personality that distorts all the information coming out of this nation continues to pervade every aspect of society and prevents an accurate understanding of North Korea from being established across the world. Whilst this regime continues to rule North Korea the nation will continue to remain a Hidden Kingdom.

By Peter Banham